(online first, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Learning and Cognition) examined how previously extinguished conditioned fear responses are renewed. Future research is required to determine whether this delay in the illusion for musicians occurs because they have better general auditory perception that allows them to better perceive differences in speech versus song-relevant properties or whether they require more evidence to classify an auditory signal as song because of their greater musical knowledge. Consistent with the fact that pitch is the most salient cue for musical structure, stable pitch was the most reliable trigger of the speech-to-song illusion.Īn interesting finding was that the speech-to-song transformation required more sentence repetitions in participants with musical training. For each sentence, participants had to indicate when the sentence sounded like it was being sung instead of spoken. Participants listened to repeated sentences with different pitch and rhythm properties. For example, in speech, pitch differences convey meaning and are relative to a speaker's vocal range, whereas songs rely on discrete and exact pitch values to create recognizable melodies.įalk, Rathcke, and Dalla Bella (2014, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance) (PDF, 259KB) examined whether these different prosodic properties of speech versus song contribute to the "speech-to-song illusion," whereby a spoken phrase repeated several times is perceived as being sung. These results suggest that listeners extract semantic information from prosody even when the prosodic information is not necessary for comprehension, and this additional prosodic information can be used to create a stronger and more enduring memory representation when it is consistent with the to-be-remembered semantic information.Īlthough prosody can be thought of as adding musicality to speech, prosodic signals differ between speech and song.
Definitions of pseudowords spoken with matching prosody were remembered better than those spoken with mismatching prosody. Immediately after the learning phase or after a 24-hr delay, participants completed a multiple-choice test for the learned pseudoword definitions. The critical manipulation was whether the novel pseudoword was spoken with matching (e.g., pointing to "small," prosody indicative of small) or mismatching (e.g., pointing to "small," prosody indicative of large) prosody. In this example, one utterance was created when the speaker intended to convey "big" and another when the speaker intended to convey "small." Thus, the visual information was sufficient to determine the meaning of the novel word: In this example, the images differ in size, so the arrow pointing to the small dog indicates that "wug" means "small." Two versions of each utterance were created, such that the speaker was asked to say the novel pseudoword while indicating each of the images. Then, an utterance that included a novel pseudoword (e.g., "This one is wug") was presented with an arrow indicating the referent image. Shintel, Anderson, and Fenn (2014, Journal of Experimental Psychology: General) (PDF, 155KB) examined whether prosodic information can serve as an additional cue that benefits memory.ĭuring a learning phase, participants saw two images that represented an antonym pair (e.g., a big dog and a small dog) and were instructed to try to determine the property that distinguished the images (e.g., size).
For example, speakers spontaneously raise the pitch of their voice when describing an upward motion. Prosody is also used to provide semantic information.
MUSICALITY DEF MOVIE
For example, prosody provides clues about attitude or affective state: The sentence "Yeah, that was a great movie," can mean that the speaker liked the movie or the exact opposite, depending on the speaker's intonation.
Prosody - the rhythm, stress, and intonation of speech - provides important information beyond a sentence's literal word meaning.
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